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Tom Hayden

Tom Hayden (center) and Junius Williams (sunglasses) at a 1965 demonstration at Avon and Badger Avenues. (Junius Williams Collection)

In the fall of 1961, Tom Hayden sat in a jail cell in Albany, Georgia, writing what would later become the Port Huron Statement. Hayden, a recent graduate of the University of Michigan and field secretary for the student activist organization Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), had been arrested for his role in a nonviolent protest in Albany, just months after being beaten at a demonstration in McComb, MS. The Port Huron Statement, which Hayden began in that Albany jail cell, would become the manifesto for a new generation of student activists, inspired by “the Southern struggle against racial bigotry” and the Cold-War era threat of nuclear destruction.

As the southern Civil Rights Movement increased in size, pace, and militancy, SDS responded by establishing a new program called the Economic Research and Action Program (ERAP), which sought to create an “interracial movement of the poor” in impoverished northern urban communities.  

Once in Newark, Hayden and NCUP members sought to develop local leadership in struggles for civil rights and political empowerment in the city by organizing around landlord-tenant conflicts, police brutality, unscrupulous retail storeowners, and urban renewal. Hayden was involved in a variety of civil rights activities, such as: the struggle for a traffic light at a busy intersection, rent strike demonstrations, insurgent political campaigns, struggles for community control of anti-poverty agencies, and negotiations with government officials to remove the State Police and National Guard during the 1967 Newark rebellion.

Tom Hayden (left) at a 1964 demonstration in Clinton Hill to protest “rats, roaches, and ridiculous rents.” (New Jersey State Archives)

Tom Hayden was a polarizing figure in Newark during his time there from 1964-1967. Under surveillance by local police and FBI agencies, city officials saw Hayden as an “outside agitator” and a “troublemaker.” Many in Newark’s Black communities also had mixed feelings about Hayden, who, as a white outsider, some saw as being for the people, but not of the people. However, Hayden’s contributions to the city can be seen through the development and legacies of “indigenous leaders” that NCUP helped to mobilize and empower, like Bessie Smith, Jesse Allen, and George Fontaine.

NCUP was not the first community group to challenge the power structure in Newark, but the first in the 1960s to organize poor and working class people on a consistent basis and develop local leadership whose work lasted well into the 1970s.

Tom Hayden left Newark shortly after the 1967 rebellion. He wrote the then definitive work on the rebellion entitled Rebellion in Newark: Official Violence and Ghetto Response. After leaving Newark, Hayden became an icon in the anti-Vietnam War movement. He was later elected as an Assemblyman and State Senator in California.

References:

Mark Hamilton Lytle, America’s Uncivil Wars: The Sixties Era From Elvis to the Fall of Richard Nixon

Students for a Democratic Society, The Port Huron Statement

Junius Williams, Unfinished Agenda: Urban Politics in the Era of Black Power

Who’s Coming In, Who’s Going Out?

World War II kicked off the second Great Migration, as African Americans from the South sought better living conditions in Newark and other cities. Between 1940 and 1950, the African American population of Newark increased from 45,760 to 74,965—growing from 10.7% to 17.2% of the city’s total population. In many ways, this population influx marked a tipping point for recognition.

For most of Newark, the depression ended. “Help wanted “ signs went up. But African Americans could not always find a job. The New Jersey Afro-American wrote in 1941 that while contracts for nearly a billion and a half dollars in government defense orders have been placed with firms in New Jersey, the Urban League finds that these firms have steadfastly refused to hire colored workers.”

 

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“Help wanted “ signs went up. But African Americans could not always find a job.
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But some African Americans did find employment. Jobs for blacks in the Newark defense workforce improved from 4% in 1942, to 8.8% in 1943. With the overall economy booming, Newark’s downtown stores began hiring some African Americans as elevator operators and janitors. Large restaurants hired blacks as chefs, cooks and waiters—they could work, but not sit down to eat. The war years helped enhance the prospects of some, while still denying prosperity for the many.

Whites Begin to Leave

Around 1947, the white middle class started deserting Newark for the suburbs, along with the businesses that sustained them. The post World-War II boom was good for businesses for a while, but factories, schools, and streets had been neglected during the war. Overcrowding was a problem, especially in the ghettos. These conditions made the suburbs very attractive as alternatives to Newark.

The G.I. Bill of Rights and FHA loans made it easier for whites to buy a house, and brand new highways built by the federal government with taxpayers’ dollars made it easier to drive those new automobiles to the suburbs, in Essex County and further west. These same mortgages were unavailable to most African Americans; and most suburbs were off limits.

 

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These same mortgages were unavailable to most African Americans; and most suburbs were off limits.
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But Newark’s heterogeneous ethnic character remained intact in the early and mid-1950s. Newark was described as follows by writer Joseph Conforti:

The Germans had given way to the Irish who in 1950 shared political power with an Italian and a Jew. The ethnic division of the city could also be observed less directly. Many occupations were ethnically identifiable: the police and fire departments were overwhelmingly Irish; the construction trades were Italian; the merchants were largely Jewish, the small luncheonettes were Greek, the large businesses were owned and operated by WASPs, skilled craftsmen were likely to be German, and the factory operatives were Irish, Polish and Italian. Even the city’s taxicabs had ethnic identifications…yellow cabs were operated by the Irish, 20th Century cabs by Jews, Brown and White cabs by Italians, and Green cabs by blacks.

Newark’s Changing Demographics

Ghettoization continued in Newark. By 1940, the Third Ward (today’s Central Ward) alone contained more than 16,000 black residents. By 1944 nearly one third of the apartments and housing in the black areas were below the standards of minimum decency. Some houses still had outside bathrooms.

The slums were among the worst in the nation. The situation was particularly grim for African Americans, clustered on “the hill” just west of the Essex County Court House. Public Housing did not help a lot. There were 7 low-income projects finished before the war, but by 1946, there were 2,110 white families and only 623 black families in the buildings. Four of the projects housed no black people. The best low-rise public housing, such as Bradley Court, was reserved for whites; while the poorest units, such as F.D.R. Homes, were reserved for blacks. Ultimately, the majority of African Americans were steered into the growing number of high rise public housing which just happened to be built in the center city where black people had been confined beginning at the turn of the 20th century.

 

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Four of the projects housed no black people.
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The 1950 Census showed the trend in population increases for blacks, and decrease by whites. Newark’s total population rose only slightly from 429,760 in 1940 to 438,776 in 1950. Black residents had increased from 45,760 to 74,965—more than a 60% increase. When newspapers took a look at the faces of misery, increasingly they were black.

Even though the city began hemorrhaging jobs (250 manufacturers left between 1950-60; 1,300 manufactures left during the 1960s), the more dramatic change in the city’s socioeconomic structure was the rapidly changing composition of the city’s population.

African Americans were rapidly become politically and economically obsolete in a city where they would soon be in the majority. Segregation and discrimination by race and class defined Newark’s offering to the city’s newest immigrants.

Listen to the people speak about their experiences as newcomers to Newark below…

Newark residents, politicians, journalists, and civil rights activists reflect upon their experiences with Tom Hayden. (See Vimeo link for credits)

A Movement of Many Voices

A Movement of Many Voices

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Pamphlet distributed by the SDS Economic Research Action Project (ERAP), providing an introduction and overview of the project. — Credit: Junius Williams Collection

The War on Poverty in Newark

The War on Poverty in Newark

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Collection of statements by NCUP members presented in April, 1965 to Adam Clayton Powell’s Congressional Committee investigating the War on Poverty. — Credit: Newark Public Library

Explore The Archives

African American Repairman

African American Repairman

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Photograph from the PSEG archives of an African American repairman at work. — Credit: PSEG

22 Clayton Street Stove

22 Clayton Street Stove

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A look inside the apartment of an African American family at 22 Clayton Street in Newark. — Credit: WPA Photographs, NJ State Archives

22 Clayton Street Bathroom

22 Clayton Street Bathroom

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A look inside the apartment of an African American family at 22 Clayton Street in Newark. — Credit: WPA Photographs, NJ State Archives

African American Stoker

African American Stoker

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Photograph from the PSEG archives of an African American stoker at work. — Credit: PSEG